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Showing posts with label election 2016. Show all posts
Showing posts with label election 2016. Show all posts

Thursday, April 20, 2017

Campaign books that help shatter our politics





'Shattered: Inside Hillary Clinton’s Doomed Campaign' by Jonathan Allen and Amie Parnes. (Photo: Priscilla De Castro/Yahoo News)
Photo: Priscilla De Castro

In the beginning there was Theodore White, the legendary observer of 20th century presidential campaigns, with his “Making of the President 1960.” Then there was Joe McGinniss’ brilliant account of the first iteration of modern campaign consulting, “The Selling of the President,” and Hunter S. Thompson’s dystopian companion piece, “Fear and Loathing on the Campaign Trail ’72.” Many years later, Richard Ben Cramer wrote “What It Takes,” the “Ulysses” of campaign chronicles.
As I write these words, I glance up to scan these and other titles, their well-worn spines poking out from my shelves like the face of a literary Rushmore. For generations of readers, they humanized our politics even as they demystified it.
Not so much today, in the age of “Game Change” and “Double Down” and whatever the upcoming installment in the series will be called — maybe “Winning Bigly” or some other cliché that won’t outlive the moment. This week, Washington is amusing itself with “nuggets” from a book called “Shattered: Inside Hillary Clinton’s Doomed Campaign,” which managed to beat its competitors to the virtual shelves of your Kindle.
(How I despise that word: “nuggets.” Almost as much as I hate the words “juicy” and “buzzy.” If I were an unelected czar, like Jared Kushner, I’d issue an edict saying that anyone using the term “buzzy” without irony could be beaten senseless with his own keyboard, the assailant subject only to a minor fine.)
I don’t know the authors of “Shattered,” Jonathan Allen and Amie Parnes, but they seem like capable and energetic reporters. There’s no lack of industry in the breezy book they apparently wrote in less time than it takes me to finish reading one.
No, my problem is with the entire genre of contemporary campaign books, which don’t illuminate the soullessness of our political culture so much as they reflect it.
You can’t really treat presidential politics as a form of shallow entertainment and then claim to be shocked when a shallow entertainer wins the presidency.
I get why today’s political writers would want to emulate the books a lot of us grew up reading, the ones that made covering campaigns seem noble and glamorous. I get why book publishers will still lay out sizable advances for them, since politics has never been an easier sell than it is now among the subset of passionate readers who follow Politico in the same way that some of us refresh ESPN 20 times a day.
But you can’t actually write the books that a McGinniss or a Cramer wrote now, even if you have half their talent. That’s because, to quote “Hamilton,” those guys were in the room where it happened. They were witnesses to history, at a time when history hadn’t yet conspired to lock them out.
I once worked for a magazine called Newsweek (go ask your parents), which every four years, at monumental expense, sent a reporter to embed himself or herself in every major presidential campaign, solely for the purpose of publishing a comprehensive, behind-the-scenes book when it was over. More often than not, those reporters built real trust and saw things the rest of us couldn’t have.
There’s no trust anymore — largely, as I’ve written at great length, because our industry almost overnight became more predatory and less thoughtful. And so today’s campaign chroniclers are left to “reconstruct” events after the fact, eagerly inviting operatives to share endless anecdotes that burnish their own images while tearing down everyone else.
All of which seems to edify the new breed of campaign reporter, who finds nothing so newsworthy as the arcane tactics and rivalries that have attended every campaign since ancient Greece. You know: nuggets.
So here’s what you’ll learn, apparently, from reading “Shattered.” A lot of people thought the campaign manager wasn’t good at his job. An accomplished speechwriter joined the campaign, but then he grew irritated and quit. Bill Clinton says things that aren’t always in good taste.
Also, the candidate mismanaged aspects of her campaign, and she got frustrated a lot, and sometimes yelled. She didn’t love being criticized, either.
Well, OK. I’m not saying there aren’t some aspects of a compelling narrative there, which is the same way I feel when I turn on the TV and “The Voice” is on. But toward what end, exactly? What light does it cast on the things that actually matter?
Books like this one may not create the manifest dysfunction in our politics and our political journalism, but they certainly don’t help, either.
They make our most serious politicians even more remote and unreachable, opening the door wider for self-interested dilettantes. What person of gravity wants to spend time with reporters who seem only to be fixated on the atmospherics and personality clashes of a campaign, when any word spoken in candor is likely to become a “nugget,” void of context or compassion?
And the hoopla around these books sends a signal to ordinary Americans that we in the media don’t care about the same things they care about. Maybe we don’t.
If you read through the publicity surrounding “Shattered,” it’s hard not to conclude that we’re endlessly and breathlessly obsessed with who decided to spend the ad dollars in which market, and with how the campaign was organized on a flow chart, and with whether the candidate polled as likable or not. (Hint: not really.)
Lord knows I’ve written my share over the years about the tradecraft that underlies campaigns. I wrote around 16,000 words in the New York Times Magazine about Ohio’s turnout operations in 2004, back when “ground game” was still more of a football term than a political one.
But I’d like to think I never confused all the tactical stuff with the deeper questions that make campaigns matter, like how you find an answer for global markets, or how you manage a wildfire of technological change.
The best campaign books of an earlier era captured the political moment in a way that reflected the upheaval happening everywhere else in the culture. Today’s imitators somehow manage to do the reverse; they grab a screenshot of political minutiae that seems to exist in isolation, as if it were totally disconnected from deeper trends in the society.
More than any of this, though, the problem with the “Shattered” genre is that it treats politics, principally, as celebrity-driven drama. These books are the Us Weeklys of political history, rich with characters and intrigue and climactic moments, perfectly calibrated for bidding wars over the made-for-TV movie options, but barren of any deeper insight or meaning.
And the bottom line is this: We in political journalism can’t very well go around decrying the triumph of entertainment over substance without taking responsibility for our role in making it plausible. We can’t scoff at the reality TV takeover of our campaigns while celebrating coverage that reads like nothing so much as the recap of a season finale.
We’re at a pivotal moment in journalism, when we’re being asked to defend our values and our relevance and our depth. It’s a moment for which the Washington Post has offered up a grim new slogan: “Democracy dies in darkness.”
It can die in a hail of nuggets, too.
_____

Summarized by Maven Stark


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Saturday, March 18, 2017

Donna Brazile confessed to sharing debate questions with Hillary

"We must blame the Russians for everything. True that I had tried to fix the election. My job was to make Hillary look good and competitive, and I worked closely with the Clinton campaign to make that happen. I've got caught by the Russians. This is their fault and we cannot let that happen in the future to those who will do as I did! " —Donna Brazile


Former interim Democratic National Committee chairperson Donna Brazile has for months been dodging questions about passing along potential topics to Hillary Clinton's staff in advance of a CNN town hall -- but now, she's speaking out and calling the misstep "a mistake I will forever regret."
Emails from Clinton campaign Chair John Podesta's account were released in October by WikiLeaks showing that the then-CNN contributor had forwarded potential topics ahead of a town hall last spring.
In an essay Brazile wrote for Time magazine, published Friday, the Democratic strategist, who's been an ABC News contributor, charts the DNC's rocky period, writing, "When I was asked last July to step in temporarily as D.N.C. Chair, I knew things were amiss. The D.N.C. had been hacked, and thousands of staff emails and documents were plastered on various websites. Staff were harassed, morale suffered, and we lost weeks of planning. Donors were harassed, and fundraising fell off."
She then addresses the release of Podesta's emails, writing, "Then in October, a subsequent release of emails revealed that among the many things I did in my role as a Democratic operative and D.N.C. Vice Chair prior to assuming the interim D.N.C. Chair position was to share potential town hall topics with the Clinton campaign. I had been working behind the scenes to add more town hall events and debates to the primary calendar, and I helped ensure those events included diverse moderators and addressed topics vital to minority communities."
She further explains, "My job was to make all our Democratic candidates look good, and I worked closely with both campaigns to make that happen. But sending those emails was a mistake I will forever regret."
Brazile says the media's narrative of the scandal was precisely what Russia was aiming for.
"By stealing all the DNC's emails and then selectively releasing those few, the Russians made it look like I was in the tank for Secretary Clinton," she writes. "Despite the strong, public support I received from top Sanders campaign aides in the wake of those leaks, the media narrative played out just as the Russians had hoped, leaving Sanders supporters understandably angry and sowing division in our ranks. 
She continues, "In reality, not only was I not playing favorites, the more competitive and heated the primary got, the harder D.N.C. staff worked to be scrupulously fair and beyond reproach. In all the months the Russians monitored the D.N.C.'s email, they found just a handful of inappropriate emails, with no sign of anyone taking action to disadvantage the Sanders campaign."

Sunday, March 5, 2017

Trump says Obama wiretapped his phones



President Trump’s assertion that former President Barack Obama wiretapped his phones before the election dominated the political talk shows on Sunday. Trump provided no evidence to back up the claim, and a spokesman for the former president branded the accusation as “simply false.”
Across the networks, the White House defended the commander in chief’s call for a congressional investigation into the matter, while Democratic lawmakers and former Obama administration officials dismissed the accusation as absurd.
On ABC’s “This Week,” White House deputy press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders tried to reframe Trump’s wiretapping claim — which he stated as a fact — as something that may have happened.
“All we’re saying is let’s take a closer look,” Huckabee Sanders said. “Let’s look into this. If this happened, if this is accurate, this is the biggest overreach and the biggest scandal.”
“If, if, if, if,” host Martha Raddatz countered. “Why is the president saying it did happen?”
“I think he’s going off of information that he’s seen that has led him to believe that this is a very real potential,” Huckabee Sanders replied. “And if it is, this is the greatest overreach and the greatest abuse of power that I think we have ever seen and a huge attack on democracy itself. And the American people have a right to know if this took place.”
Sen. Al Franken, D-Minn., was among those who labeled the suggestion that Obama tapped Trump’s phones as nonsense.
“The president of the United States did not tap Donald Trump’s phone,” Franken said on “This Week.” “I mean, that’s just ridiculous.”
Josh Earnest, who served as White House press secretary under Obama, agreed.
“Let me just remove the mystery here and explain to you and your viewers why it is false to say that President Obama ordered a wiretap of Trump Tower,” Earnest said. “This may come as a surprise to the current occupant of the Oval Office, but the president of the United States does not have the authority to unilaterally order the wiretapping of an American citizen.”

If the FBI decided to use its wiretapping authority, Earnest explained, “it would require FBI investigators, officials at the Department of Justice going to a federal judge, and making a case, and demonstrating probable cause to use that authority to conduct the investigation.”
On CBS’ “Face the Nation,” Sen. Mark Warner, D-Va., the top Democrat on the Senate Intelligence Committee, said Trump’s tweets show “the president doesn’t understand how you obtain a wiretap.”
“To make that type of claim without any evidence is, I think, very reckless,” Warner said.
On NBC’s “Meet the Press,” former Director of National Intelligence James Clapper categorically denied any suggestion that communications at Trump Tower were wiretapped before the election.
“There was no such wiretap activity mounted against the president-elect at the time, as a candidate, or against his campaign,” Clapper said.
When asked by host Chuck Todd whether he could confirm or deny if a Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court Act order (or FISA) for such wiretapping existed, Clapper declared, “I can deny it.”

On “Fox News Sunday,” Sen. Tom Cotton, R-Ark., who also sits on the Senate Intelligence Committee, said he has yet to see evidence to substantiate Trump’s allegation. Nonetheless, Cotton said he wasn’t troubled by Trump’s evidence-free tweet.
“Presidents are human,” he said.
Michael Mukasey, the attorney general under President George W. Bush, argued that there is a nuance Trump’s critics are missing.
“This is the difference between being correct and being right,” Mukasey said on ABC. “I think the president was not correct certainly in saying that President Obama ordered a tap on a server in Trump Tower. However, I think he’s right in that there was surveillance and that it was conducted at the behest of the Justice Department.”
Meanwhile, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., says a special prosecutor ought to be appointed to investigate whether the Trump campaign broke any laws in its contacts with Russia and whether it was “complicit in working with the Russians to influence the election.”
“That needs a special prosecutor,” Schumer said on “Meet the Press.”
But Sen. Marco Rubio, R-Fla., a member of the Senate Intelligence Committee, which is currently investigating Russia’s election meddling, disagreed.
“I certainly don’t think we’re at that point at this moment,” Rubio told Todd. “The job of the intelligence committee is not to be a law enforcement agency. The job of the intelligence committee is to gather facts and evidence.”

“I’m not going to be part of a witch hunt,” Rubio added, “but I’m also not going to be part of a cover-up. I want us to put the facts out there, wherever those facts lead us. And I believe that is what the Senate Intelligence Committee will do.”
White House press secretary Sean Spicer issued a statement on Sunday saying that “reports concerning potentially politically motivated investigations immediately ahead of the 2016 election are very troubling,” and that Trump is asking Congress to investigate.
“President Donald J. Trump is requesting that as part of their investigation into Russian activity, the congressional intelligence committees exercise their oversight authority to determine whether executive branch investigative powers were abused in 2016,” the statement read. “Neither the White House nor the President will comment further until such oversight is conducted.”
Shortly after saying he wouldn’t comment further, Spicer fired off a tweet calling attention to Mukasey’s interview on ABC.

Early Saturday morning, Trump unleashed a series of tweets claiming Obama had wiretapped the phones at Trump Tower prior to the 2016 election.
“Terrible! Just found out that Obama had my ‘wires tapped’ in Trump Tower just before the victory. Nothing found. This is McCarthyism!” he declared from his Mar-a-Lago resort in West Palm Beach, Fla., where Trump is once again spending the weekend.
“Is it legal for a sitting President to be ‘wire tapping’ a race for president prior to an election? Turned down by court earlier. A NEW LOW!” he added.
It wasn’t clear what, exactly, Trump was referring to as he raged against his predecessor, whom he labeled a “bad (or sick) guy!” And the White House did not clarify from whom Trump had “just learned” this new information.
But a report published Friday by right-wing Breitbart News quoted conservative radio host Mark Levin, who outlined the alleged steps the Obama took “in its last months to undermine Donald Trump’s presidential campaign and, later, his new administration.” The Washington Post reported that the Breitbart article had been passed around in the White House ahead of Trump’s tweets. (Steve Bannon, Trump’s chief strategist in the White House, is a former chief executive of Breitbart.)

“Everybody acts like President Trump is the one that came up with this idea and just threw it out there,” Huckabee Sanders said on “This Week.” “There are multiple news outlets that have reported this. And all we’re asking is that we get the same level of look into the Obama administration and the potential that they had for a complete abuse of power that they’ve been claiming that we have done over the last six months.”
Trump “just put another quarter in the conspiracy parking meter,” former Michigan Republican Rep. Mike Rogers, ex-chairman of House Intelligence Committee, said on CNN. “They have extended this story for a week, two weeks. Makes no sense to me whatsoever.”
On “Face the Nation,” former Defense Secretary Leon Panetta said Trump’s accusation “weakens the United States and makes us vulnerable to our enemies.”
But Panetta added: “The truth will determine what went wrong here.”
On CNN’s “State of the Union,” Rubio said he was puzzled by Trump’s wiretapping allegation.
“I’m not sure what it is he is talking about,” Rubio said. “Perhaps the president has information that is not yet available to us or to the public. And if it’s true, obviously we’re going to find out very quickly. And if it isn’t, then obviously he’ll have to explain what he meant by it.”
Either way, Schumer said, it’s bad news for Trump.
“If he falsely spread this kind of misinformation,” Schumer said on “Meet the Press,” “that is so wrong. It’s beneath the dignity of the presidency. It is something that really hurts people’s view of government. It’s civilization-warping, as Ben Sasse, conservative Republican, called it. And I don’t know of any president, Democrat or Republican in the past, [who] has done this. It shows this president doesn’t know how to conduct himself.
“On the other hand, if it’s true,” Schumer continued, “it’s even worse for the president. Because that means that a federal judge, independently elected, has found probable cause that the president, or people on his staff, have probable cause to have broken the law or to have interacted with a foreign agent. Now that’s serious stuff. So either way, the president makes it worse with these tweets.”

More from Yahoo News:

Summarized by Maven Stark






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Friday, December 23, 2016

Analysis: After Clinton's defeat, what's the path for future women presidential candidates?


The first woman president was supposed to make history by accumulating such deep experience that few could deny her ability to serve as commander in chief.
Hillary Clinton did that, and lost, but the road to a female presidency is still open provided that the right female figure runs for it. 
Now women politicians and those working to elect them — Democrats and Republicans alike — are sifting through her defeat to understand what her loss means for future women candidates and to find a future path.
Their effort is complicated by the very things that made Clinton’s nomination both inevitable and troubled: her singular standing and unique negatives.
While the number of women elected to office has grown markedly over the decades, polling shows that in a race for the White House they still must demonstrate they are capable of commanding the government and in particular the U.S. military, a masculine institution despite its own gender strides.
That inevitably conflicts with another voter demand: for a fresh face — like that, say, of President Obama, who defeated Clinton in the Democratic primaries in 2008 in part because he appealed to voters’ desire for change.
“You can’t get those qualifications, get that résumé, while also being able to present yourself as a change candidate,” said Kelly Dittmar, an assistant professor of political science at Rutgers University-Camden and a scholar at Rutgers’ Center for American Women and Politics.
“Men aren’t held to the same standard of proving their credentials.”
Clinton’s experience won her plaudits from voters who throughout the campaign saw her as best prepared to assume the presidency. That may have helped her win the popular vote, but she lost the electoral college to a man who had never before run for elective office or served in government.
Most damaging, she was unable to fully benefit from the advantages that usually flow to a woman candidate — being seen by voters as more honest, trustworthy and both a unifier and the one who most cares about constituents’ concerns.
That has left a puzzle: How much of the loss reflected Clinton’s particular vulnerabilities, how much involved opposition that any future woman candidate may face?
Unquestionably, Clinton faced unique problems: Her decision as secretary of State to use a private email server, which led to extended controversies; media coverage of separate Democratic emails now believed to have been hacked by Russian operatives; and a relentless line of assault casting her as corrupt, first by primary challenger Bernie Sanders and later by Trump.
She also faced a unique opponent, Donald Trump, whose image of swashbuckling masculinity shaped the campaign more than any of Clinton’s milder efforts to use gender to her advantage.
Clinton’s supporters have been left counting smaller victories, like the fact that she won more votes than any candidate ever, apart from President Obama.
They are also casting Clinton’s reach for history as part of a decades-long effort that, by definition, includes stumbles.
“It’s been a struggle, it’s always been a struggle — that’s the nature of the fight for equality,” said Sen. Barbara Boxer, the California Democrat who was elected in 1992, a year when the number of women senators tripled.
“The fact that we got to have first woman nominee of a major party is an enormous breakthrough, and we’ll build on that,” she said.
But others suggest that this year’s campaign portends trouble for whichever women come next.
At a recent panel discussion at Harvard’s Institute of Politics, which included representatives from both campaigns, Trump’s manager, Kellyanne Conway, argued that the country was ready to elect a woman president — just not this particular woman in a year in which voters demanded change.
“On gender, it wasn’t a hypothetical,” she said of voters’ options. “It was Hillary. So it’s not just a woman; it’s one that people had lived with for quite a while.”
That drew a pained response from Clinton’s media strategist, Mandy Grunwald, who suggested that Clinton had rare standing to be seen as a potential commander in chief, given her tenure as secretary of State, U.S. senator from New York and as a first lady deeply involved in policy matters.
“You may think the country is ready for a woman, any old woman, just a different one. There are very few people who will ever meet that test,” Grunwald said, adding: “I hope I am wrong.”
Clinton’s campaign was a real-world test that shined a bright light at some of the downsides of women’s candidacies.
The degree of punishment she took from voters concerned about perceived ethical lapses was one of those. Throughout the campaign, prompted by broadsides from Sanders and Trump, voters were sharply critical of Clinton when it came to honesty and truthfulness.
The virulence of their sentiments suggested that women, usually held in high regard on those fronts, suffer more than male candidates when seen as not meeting that standard.
For women candidates, “that fall from the pedestal may be longer and harder,” said Dittmar.
Clinton’s perceived ethical difficulties, she noted, took more of a toll than Trump’s arguably larger constellation of problems, which included repetitive falsehoods, wrongdoing by his foundation, tax issues and the fraud case leveled against Trump University.
“One reason could be that we expected it,” she said. “We expect that men have those issues.”
And while Clinton benefited to some extent from the prospect of being an historic first, Trump successfully made gender arguments of his own.
He made gender-based gibes at Clinton throughout his campaign, much as he had sought to diminish his primary opponents by mocking their height or lack of combativeness or, in the case of Republican candidate Carly Fiorina, her looks.
He talked tough, invoking the specter of violence, repeatedly and on a range of issues. His official health report listed his testosterone level, an atypical disclosure that stood out given the lack of detail he released on other health questions. His campaign did nothing to push back against vulgar references to women on T-shirts and campaign buttons at his events.
Whatever the motive for that style, it appealed to concerns that many voters still have about a woman commander in chief and women’s role in society.
An April poll by PRRI/The Atlantic asked whether Americans felt society “has become too soft and feminine.” Two in five voters said that it had; among Trump supporters, 68% said so.

Saturday, December 17, 2016

Hillary Clinton’s holiday party ‘like a wake’


Bad things do happen; how I respond to them defines my character and the quality of my life. I can choose to sit in perpetual sadness, immobilized by the gravity of my loss, or I can choose to rise from the pain and treasure the most precious gift I have - life itself.
            Walter Anderson 


 “It was like a wake with a band,” quipped one guest who was at the Plaza on Thursday for Hillary Clinton’s holiday party to thank top-tier donors, VIP boosters and campaign advisers. 

The source said, “It was a little bit of group therapy and a lot of love” among the losing Democratic rainmakers. Spotted in the crowd were Clinton advisers Huma Abedin, John Podesta and Robby Mook, donors Alan Patricof, Bernard Schwartz, Marc Lasry, Jay Snyder and Robert Zimmerman, designers Vera Wang and Tory Burch, plus Anna Wintour, Harvey Weinstein and restaurateur Danny Meyer. Also there were Bill and Chelsea Clinton and Chelsea’s husband, Marc Mezvinsky.

 “No one has any illusion of ‘the band coming back together again,’ but it did bring a sense of closure,” said a Hillary backer of the possibility she’d come back as a candidate. 

 We have no idea of what the "Hillary backer" meant by this insane prediction but there is a saying by Einstein we would like to remind Hillary of: Insanity: doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results. 

The source added of the scene, “There was a spirit of, ‘We have taken the last eight years for granted.’ But people did walk out of there with a mission.


 






Tuesday, December 13, 2016

Kanye visits Trump in New York

It's not what's said but who's said it. The French language turns profanity into romance.
                                        - Maven
Kanye visits Trump. Why ye? 

Kanye West met with president-elect Donald Trump today and the internet was less than happy about it. After several hours of being dragged over the coals, Kanye took to the internet’s favorite source for spleen-venting to explain himself. In a series of tweets, ‘Ye explained that he wanted to have The Donald’s ear so that they could work together on issues that he thinks are important. “I wanted to meet with Trump today to discuss multicultural issues,” he wrote. “These issues included bullying, supporting teachers, modernizing curriculum, and violence in Chicago. I feel it is important to have a direct line of communication with our future President if we truly want change.” Kanye ended with a cryptic tweet of “#2024”, which might be a reference to his own political aspirations. Of course, if Kanye decides to run, we have a whole list of possible campaign slogans for him. But given his recent unsavory political opinions, former ‘Ye boosters might not be as on-board with his half-serious campaign as they might have been. It’s worth remembering that a rant about Trump kicked off a series of events that led to the cancellation of the Saint Pablo tour, and that fans booed him for it. aspirations.





          Mavenvision


Wednesday, December 7, 2016

Michelle Obama Breaks Her Silence About The Night Donald Trump Was Elected President:"I went to bed "




President Obama and the First Lady open up about their life together and last days in the White House. Subscribe now to get instant access to this exclusive interview plus the events and people that shaped 2016, only in PEOPLE!
As many Americans waited into the wee hours of election night to find out who would be voted the nation’s next president, First Lady Michelle Obama says she was not among them.
Instead, she was fast asleep in her White House bed.
In a joint interview with President Barack Obama for this week’s PEOPLE cover story, the first lady breaks her silence on President-elect Donald Trump‘s stunning victory, and reveals why she didn’t stay up to see the results.
“I went to bed. I don’t like to watch the political discourse; I never have,” Obama tells PEOPLE, adding of her husband, “I barely did with him.”
The first lady was one of Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton‘s most powerful surrogates on the campaign trail, where she delivered passionate speeches about the dangers of electing Trump, being careful all the while to avoid mentioning him by name.

 Her now-famous mantra, “When they go low, we go high,” delivered at the Democratic National Convention in July, moved audiences and became an unofficial slogan for Clinton’s campaign.
“Anything that I felt about the election I said and I stand by,” the first lady says now, adding of her early election night, “Once you do what you can do, then the rest is easy. It was in the hands of the American people.”
Though the first lady stands by her campaign-trail criticisms of Trump, she, like her husband, is prepared to help the president-elect as he transitions to the White House.
“This is our democracy, and this is how it works,” she says. “We are ready to work with the next administration and make sure they are as successful as they can be. Because that’s what’s best for this country.”